In Catholicism, for instance, there were considerable spiritual benefits of natural theology for the non-Christian, while in Protestantism its benefits were restricted to those saved Christians who possessed Scriptural insight. Confessionally, scholars need to recognise that the doctrine of natural theology received different treatments on either side of the sectarian divide. ![]() These doctrines make such a material difference that scholars always ought to delineate clearly between the threefold state of man (original innocence, state of sin, state of grace) when approaching the topic of ‘natural’ knowledge of God. Doctrinally, natural theology does not stand alone but needs to be understood within the context of the theology of revelation, justification, and the effects of the Fall. The study of natural theology needs to be better integrated into three contexts – the doctrinal, confessional, and chronological. These assumptions are shown to be uncharacteristic of the late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth century. The term itself is difficult to define it is most fruitful to think of natural theology as the answer to the wuestion, ‘what can be known about God and religion from the contemplation of the natural world?’ There have been several erroneous assumptions about natural theology – in particular that it only consisted of rational proofs for the existence of God, that it was ecumenical in outlook, and that it was defined as strictly separate from Scriptural revelation. Chapter 5 has been expanded and published in Early Music History (2010)ĭespite some great strides in relating certain areas of Christian doctrine to the study of the natural world, the category ‘natural theology’ has often been subject to anachronism and misunderstanding. A broader view of the circumstances surrounding the emergence of the King’s Litany (1544) further reveals a unique fusion of ‘traditionalism’ and ‘reform’ – an ostensible via media – finding elements of kingship, church and society brought together into a culturally integrated whole. These neglected texts are also deployed in a reexamination of musical guidelines in the document, Ceremonyes to be vsyd in the churche of Englonde (1540). Part three offers for the first time a coherent rationale for the prevalent musical conservatism of Henry VIII’s church, deriving chiefly from Bishop Richard Sampson’s psalm commentaries (1539), and his ‘short explanations’ on St Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians (1546). Part two centres on changes in religious policy and doctrine: first, a fresh look at the musical consequences of the dissolution of the monasteries second, an investigation of musical invective in printed evangelical polemics of the early 1540s third, a reassessment of religious dissent among church musicians, with a new look at the heresy trial of John Merbecke. The historical presuppositions conventionally taken for granted in framing the musicological narrative of Henrician reform will be reassessed in part one. The present thesis looks beyond these methodological foci via an interdisciplinary approach, supported by a range of primary source materials that incorporate musical, historical, cultural and sociological elements. Typically, musicological investigations have focused first on specific institutional archives and their connected music manuscript evidence. ![]() ![]() ![]() It is a chief aim of this study to address the resultant historiographical disjunction between the two disciplines. In recent decades, however, scholars in the field of Reformation historiography have completely revised their view of the same period. Marsh The Queen’s College, Oxford Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Trinity Term 2007 The defining intellectual, historical and cultural influences on Henry VIII’s Reformation have remained virtually unchanged in musicological narratives since the 1960s. MUSIC, CHURCH, AND HENRY VIII’S REFORMATION Dana T.
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